Winning the Security and Protection of Regained Freedom

On July 15, 1998, the Subcommittee on European Affairs of the United States Senate commenced hearings on Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. Such a display of interest in this region contributes to the security of that area, and gives hope and encouragement to the Baltic people to continue their steady and unwavering progress. The Lithuanian-American Community, Inc. submitted their concerns and recommendations to the chairman of that subcommittee, Gordon H. Smith, on June 26th. What follows are the letter's contents to Mr. Smith.

Dear Mr. Chairman,
The Lithuanian-American Community would like you to know how much we appreciate your taking the initiative in calling hearings on Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. We strongly believe that any display of interest in this region by the Congress, the Administration and the public contributes to the region's security. Furthermore, we believe that these hearings, followed by discussion, will help facilitate the formulation of a long-term United States policy regarding these countries.

The Lithuanian-American Community serves over one million Americans of Lithuanian heritage. We have chapters in 29 states and in the District of Columbia. We write today because we feel a responsibility to share with you and the members of your committee our concerns and recommendations.
It is understood that the enlargement of NATO will be a gradual, step-by-step process which may take several years. The first round will be completed in April, 1999 with the formal admission to the Alliance of Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic. In the ratification debate, voices were raised against any further enlargement of NATO. The Lithuanian-American Community will forever remember the names of the 59 Senators who rejected a proposal to deny any new members for the next three years. Here, our remarks address the concerns of those who oppose the admission of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia.

Without doubt, it is in the Baltic nations' best interest that Russia emerge from its present state a friendly, peaceful democratic partner of NATO and the European Union. For this reason, Lithuanians have supported the two-track policy of NATO enlargement linked to partnership and cooperation with Russia. However, the economic recovery of Russia will be beneficial to its neighbors only so long as it is not accompanied by the resurgence of the threat of Russian imperialism. At present, the Russian political elite has yet to be reconciled to the loss of its empire. Yeltsin and other Russian leaders have stated on the record that all territory formerly designated part of the Soviet Union should be considered part of an exclusive Russian sphere of influence, untouchable by NATO or anyone else.

Most important and significant of all is the politically and morally outrageous assertion made by the present Russian government that the incorporation of the Baltic states into the Soviet Union by Stalin in 1940 was a consequences of the freely expressed will of these nations. In effect, the present Russian government sanctions the partition of east central Europe between Hitler and Stalin. Furthermore, the attempt to suppress the Chechnya revolt, as well as Russian military intervention in Georgia, Azerbajian, and Moldavia took place under Yeltsin, who is considered in the west as moderate. There remains uncertainty about the future of Russian leadership and the possibility of hard liners coming to power. In this context, Russian attempts to deny Baltic nations their right to choose their own allies must be considered a threat to their sovereignty.
The enlargement of NATO could make Russian imperialist ambitions unrealistic, thus prompting Moscow to accept its present borders as definitive, and to focus Russian attention and resources on internal recovery. A freeze on further NATO enlargement would have the opposite effect. It would mean another permanent division of central Europe into two spheres of influence: that of NATO and that of Russia. Furthermore, it could encourage the Russian imperialist dream of regaining its former control over its smaller neighbors, who have been deprived of the opportunity to join the defensive structures of the Atlantic community.
Opposition to any further NATO enlargement is based on three false contentions:

1. That the admission of Baltic countries would provoke Russia and may lead to preventive military measures.

NATO has been expanded three times in the past. In each case, Moscow tried to prevent the expansion with the threat of military and, at times, nuclear confrontation. The allies never wavered under pressure. The allies knew that yielding to the threats would inevitably lead to the dangerous escalation of military blackmail. Consequently, in each case, the allies called the Soviet bluff.

2. That NATO should respect Russian security interests.

Supporters of this contention argue that the silent recognition of "traditional spheres of Influence" fosters lasting cooperation and friendship between America and Russia. We remind the subcommittee that this reasoning led to the Yalta and Potsdam Agreements, which left all of Europe east of the Elbe River under Soviet domination. History shows that these treaties were unsuccessful and the Cold War followed.

Today, though the Soviet empire has disintegrated, the Russian elite's ambition to restore it is alive. The United States' efforts to maintain peace and to curb the proliferation of arms and state terrorism has been challenged by Russia all over the world. The United States should draw a lesson from past experience and never again give preference to Russia's security concerns at the expense of its neighbors.

3. That Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia are indefensible and could be crushed by Russia's military might in a matter of days.

West Berlin was also indefensible and was surrounded by East German and Soviet troops. One American battalion was there to signal that any attempt to occupy Berlin would trigger a war with NATO. Because of the allies' determination, free Berlin survived without a loss of one single Allied soldier.

Recommendations

1. The Senate should support the Administration's position that the "new NATO members will not be the last" (Madeleine Albright), and support a second round of enlargement. The Senate should offer support to President Clinton's statement that "the U.S. welcomes the aspirations and supports the efforts of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia to join NATO". We trust the Congress will preserve a place for the integration of these countries within NATO on the agenda of U.S. foreign policy.

2. The Congress should be absolutely clear in expressing its opposition to any attempt to intimidate Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia by threats of force. It should make it known that threats of this nature, as well as by economic pressures, would be unacceptable to the United States and prohibitively expensive to Moscow. Any ambiguity concerning the U.S.'s reaction could easily lead to fatal miscalculations.

3. As an interim security measure, the U.S. should implement the Baltic Charter and strengthen lateral military cooperation with Lithuania and the two other states under the Partnership for Peace.

Lithuania regained its independence in 1990, and its people successfully resisted a Soviet military onslaught on the Lithuanian parliament in Vilnius. This event in Lithuania's struggle for freedom inspired other Baltic countries and contributed greatly to the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Since that time, Lithuanian democracy has taken deep roots. The State Department's Democracy and Human Rights Office reports that the country has been making steady progress in developing a market economy. Inflation is under control, and the GDP rose to 6.4 percent. Over 40 percent of state property has now been privatized.

Lithuania is steadily making great progress in meeting the military standards of NATO. There is a healthy respect for human rights, and efforts are being made to solve the remaining problems. Lithuania has no conflict or border disputes with any of its neighbors. Russians are offered access to all transit facilities; thus, allowing transport and communication with the Kaliningrad area. Lithuania and Poland are friends: closely cooperating and supporting each other. Additionally, a border treaty was recently signed with Belarus and Russia.

The Lithuanian people want to belong to the community of democratic nations, and to share the defense of our common values. Americans of Lithuanian heritage appeal to Congress, the Administration, and the American people: do not reject the aspirations of these small, but courageous nations who are striving so hard to win the security and protection of their regained freedom and democracy. Do not extinguish the light at the end of the tunnel.